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One-time Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: An Examination on the Powerful Government Service

The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered one of the most powerful holders of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands were limited to minor or figurehead functions, Cheney held huge power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often described as the "true president".

Bush resented this portrayal and said the dynamic was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public settings as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were peers. Despite these denials, Cheney considered the easygoing president pliable on a broad range of policy decisions.

The Post-9/11 Era

Leading of a contingent of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating planes approaching the US Capitol.

Cheney stated the assaults transformed him, causing him to be intent on retribution. Along with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.

Controversial Policies

He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on faulty information circulated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It was the right thing to do then. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance today."

However even then, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, negligence, and irresponsibility: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and graft."

Broader Context

Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had written a memo outlining circumstances in which American interests might be endangered (including "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be positioned to take unilateral action when joint efforts prove impossible," specifically referencing defense operations against Iraq.

Bush additionally had assumed the presidency generally inclined on implementing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.

Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a plot to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his parent's face that each person had to walk over.

Questioning Techniques

Yet it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken behind attacking Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were both insubstantial or totally deceptive. He backed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.

Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had resulted from the torture, Cheney dismissed the report as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of credit."

Public Image

Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the corner that nobody ever sees emerge from his hole? This represents a effective way to work, actually."

Business Interests

Debate over his commercial relationships accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and CEO.

In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling billions.

It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his period at the company rose from his previous salary while military head to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling over $20m|twenty

MV
By

Michael Valdez

Elena Vance is a seasoned business strategist with over 15 years of experience in international trade and market expansion across Europe and Asia.

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